Has the Bulgarian Prime Minister ever been in touch representatives of First Investment Bank (FIB) in connection the “finishing” of Vladimira Yaneva?
Bivol asked that question to Sevdalina Arnaoudova, press attaché of Prime Minister Boyko Borisov prior to the publication from the series #Yaneva Gate, where it is stated that “people from FIB” had been collecting money for saving Vladimira Yaneva and she offeres to take this money directly to “Boyko”.
We received an answer and it reads as follows:
No. Never, for any reason.
It is possible that the Prime Minister is not aware that the President of the Bulgarian Ski Federation Tseko Minev (pictured) with whom he has been in touch for SOME reason is also one of the owners of FIB.
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Само срещу няколко лева месечно можете да гарантирате съществуването на независима разследваща журналистика.
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The previous and the new season #Yaneva Gate exposed the backstage games that led to the suspension of the President of the most important court in the country, Vladimira Yaneva, which was voted by the Supreme Judicial Council (SJC) on February 19, 2015, in the late afternoon. On the same day Yaneva cancelled her trip to Thessaloniki where she was going to celebrate her birthday and went instead to the home of judge Rumyana Chenalova. Lawyer Momchil Mondeshki joined thme. The three discussed what was happening and what is coming. At that precise moment someone taped their conversation. Markers, similar to those left by Special Surveillance Devices (SSDs), are detected in all regordings.
Yaneva tells the backstory of her sad fate: Borisov had asked Prosecutor General Sotir Tsatsarov to “finish” her because of the affair “Worms”. Boyko Borisov in turn had been pressured savagely by the former family friend of Yaneva, Tsvetan Tsvetanov (Tsvetan Tsvetanov – former Interior Minister and leading figure in the ruling Citizens for European Development of Bulgaria party, GERB – editor’s note). Yaneva had learned what avaited her and had written a short text message to Borisov. The Prime Minister had then contacted her on Viber through the member of the SJC Dimitar Uzunov and had comforted her that she might get away with it all and they could go for a “walk in the park“. Meanwhile, Staliyski, a good friend of the Prime Minister, had told Yaneva that Borisov could show some mercy if she went to “talk” with him personally. But the judge had not wanted to meet Borisov in preson because she feared a possible sexual assault. Borisov had been known for his many intimate girlfriends and had even bought a “house in Barcelona” for one of them. Perhaps because of this refusal, and despite the Viber promise, Borisov had continued to pressure Tsatsarov. The interference of “Delyan” (Delyan Peevski – controversial lawmaker and media mogul, seen as the “gray cardinal” in Bulgarian politics – editor’s note) who had “spoken to both” in favor of Yaneva had not helped either. Tsatsarov had not wanted to “finish” Yaneva, but there was no way to withstand the pressure from Borisov. The Prosecutor General had convened a secret meeting of members of the SJC to instruct them how to vote. Tsatsarov had, nevertheless, warned Yaneva in a phone conversation that she woul be suspended because of pre-trial proceedings against her, but he would try to “mask” things. Yaneva had resigned with her fate and had instructed the President of the Supreme Administrative Court, Georgi Kolev, to “conspire with the people” in the SJC to suspend her before being indicted.
Against this background, we also learn that Mondeshki had consulted a fortune-teller, “Eli,” who had predicted a “finishing” but not immediately, rather six months later. Journalist “Venelina” offered to help Yaneva with a publication. Yaneva reveals that the secret services are snooping on anyone and as much as they want and are controlled by Peevski’s political party Movement for Rights and Freedoms (DPS), and “it was not her job to obstruct their work . “Tsetso” and “Boyko” had also benefited from the wiretaps and this is how “they deal blows“. The loopholes in the SSDs registry allowed “thousands tricks” to circumvent the law. It was also written in them that embassies were spyied on. Mondeshki confides that “people from FIB” were very worried about the possible suspension of Yaneva and had offered to raise money for a fund to save her. “Let them take it to Boyko,” says Yaneva, laughing. Mondeshki offers to personally go and try to reach a truce with “Boyko”, while the successor of a crime boss would be the one to take him there. Yaneva then sends her driver to pull out of the Court a “red folder” with documents that had been making Mondeshki very nervous and he insists that they disappear. Then-Justice Minister Hristo Ivanov should “be beaten with a stick” for initiating disciplinary cases against judges, Chenalova and Mondeshki agree, but Galya Georgieva “shoul not be touched” because she and Yaneva had reached an agreement…
This is enough evidence to press several charges for corruption, trading influence, abuse of office, illegal wiretapping, document crimes and crimes against justice. The case “Yaneva Gate” was also mentioned in the EC Monitoring Report on Bulgaria’s progress in the judicial reform with a recommendation to launch a thorough and independent investigation. This has not been done. The Ethics Commission at the SJC stopped its probe intoYaneva Gate on grounds it did not establish anything disturbing in the conversations. The probe of the prosecution was limited to fidning who made the recordings and was closed.
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